Make a Blog can Make Money

There are things that make the spirit of the Blogger, to make a Blog can make money.If through google adsense that rule our world is still just a list of aliases in the decline has not been in receipt, in Indonesian many site-site can generate money. We do list, coppy code, post in the blog, the contents of our bank account, click on the readers, check rek. bank, add-in and add. want to try? come on...

What is certain is that the PPC, so we will be able to pay if there is a click on the ads that we install in our blog, would like to click on their own? I do not ... the name is not casual, but may also seem (home does not come to light ... ha ha ha ...).

PPC list Made in Indonesia:
Kumpulblogger.com
adsenchamp.com
ppcindo.com
ppcinbox.com
adspeedy.com
tinggalklik.com
adsentra.com
paneniklan.com
kliksaya.com
Hopefully, the owners made in indonesian PPC over the successful and professional, because imbasnya will also feel for us-we, and the info that PPC indonesian above, has not been able to approve or not installed at WordPress.com except for kumpulblogger.com, not clear also why.
For what that is what the advertising and from them, may be able to add less then of their service, or indeed provide for the satisfaction of our advertisers and as publiser, with a review of the service site.
Congratulations to try ...

Tora and Tukul show Film of Indonesia in the Czech Republic

London - Film drama comedy that actor Tora Sudiro, Arwana tukul and a note on the movie playback Film Indonesia held KBRI Prague.

Film titled Auto Romantic attract capable people of Indonesia for to much-present in the crowd KBRI Mini Cinema Prague, so Pensosbud KBRI Prague, Azis Nurwahyudi to the correspondent of London, Friday.

The telling of this time Tora Sudiro, Arwana tukul, Marsya Timothy, and Wulan Guritno present through the film, which produser Guntur Soeharjanto. Mini theaters that are on the side of the building KBRI Prague derisive laughter filled the Indonesian people who enjoy the various scenes in the film.

In addition to the Indonesian people, is also present some Czech citizens who are interested in the Indonesian culture. They also appear to enjoy the film and participate in occasional shriek with laughter.

According to Azis Nurwahyudi, the film is a mini movie theater in the routine event held by the Indonesian embassy Prague.

In addition to treat longing to country, screening is also an event also become a campaign event, which is always dinanti people of Indonesia to meet each other and with bersilaturahmi fellow citizens in the Czech Republic.

Although the winter air mengigit does not reduce the spirit of the community to see the film than consoled, longing community food will also terobati with meatball noodles dishes full of taste with no less delicious, was sold in the country. (U-ZG)

Country Indonesia Stay Martial wife Position

MK Reject Law on domestic violence Test Materials

JAKARTA - This is a warning to the perpetrators of violence in the household. Anyone, especially her husband, that smart to keep his wife now face sanctions as stipulated in the Law Domestic Violence (domestic violence). Provision can not be bargained again.

That proved Bambang Sugeng Irianto. The man who tried to cancel one of the articles in the Law on domestic violence should receive a disappointment. For application materials testing article 356 paragraph 1 of the Criminal Code of the 1945 Constitution of domestic violence declined Constitutional Court (MK) yesterday.

Chairman of the Assembly Abdul Hakim Mukthie Fadjar, MK Bambang said that application of the Criminal Code related can not be accepted. That was pronouncing verdict in the trial of 42/PUU-VI/2008 in the courtroom MK. In testing materials, Bambang make konstitusionalitas Article 356-1 to the Criminal Code which reads,''Criminal specified in Article 351, Article 353, Article 354 and Article 355 can be added the third, that is, for crimes that do that to her mother, the legal father, his wife or children''.

Bambang said the law was processed using the Criminal Code article by investigators and prosecutors Polresta Kediri Kediri Kejari claimant. According to Bambang, should be used was the Law Number 23 of 2004 on of Domestic Violence in accordance with the principle of lex specialists derogat lex generalis.

Mukhtie said, in the case of any provision of special and general provisions have, indeed that is used is a special provision (principle of lex specialists derogat lex generalis). In addition, the principle of lex posterior derogat Legi priori, that means that the new law override the old law.

''But, for the MK, the second principle is related to the application of the law by the authorities, not the problem konstitusionalitas norm, so that MK is not authorized to assess,''said Mukhtie.

MK also rate, the application Bambang is associated with the application of the law in criminal cases that the court is authorized under the MA and the environment can not be considered to court. ( Yun / agm )

Be struck "Baling-Baling" Helikopter, Mechanical Two killed

JAKARTA - workplace accidents occurred in the Airport Pondok Cabe, Tangerang, yesterday. A Super Puma helicopter belonging to charter airlines, Pelita Air Service (PAS), which is being "reviewed" and suddenly roll back somersault on the ground. As a result, two died tersambar mechanical rotor heli, while the pilot and a technician who survived are in the cockpit.

Both victims are killed Suparja Ahmad, 54, of Kampung Gondrong, Tangerang, and Sri Setiabudi, 44, of Estate Earth Pelita Kencana Blok A Pondok Cabe, Tangerang, Banten. For the purposes otopsi, the second corpse dievakuasi to RS Fatmawati. Meanwhile, the National Committee of Transportation Safety (KNKT) is still investigating the cause of the accident which occurred at 10:00 WIB is.

"We have to send two investigator to investigate the accident, the Capt Toos Sanitioso as Inspector in Charge (IIC) and Sulaeman," said Chairman of the KNKT Tatang Kurniadi time confirmed yesterday.

Heli nahas numbered registration PUH-PK is not a drop from the air. The accident occurred when the heli is still in front of the land set Hanggar. Heli was reversed because the estimated loss of balance. "Restaurants are not flying or want to fly, but the checks are routine," said Tatang.

Head of Public Communication Center Bambang S. Department of Transportation Ervan add, other than the KNKT, Dephub sent two inspectors to investigate this event. That is a pilot who acts as the principal operations inspector (POI) and qualified as a principal maintenance inspector (PMI). "Both envoys from the Directorate Kelaikan Aircraft and Flight Operations, the Directorate General of Air," he said.

Bambang explained, the information received, heli that dipiloti Capt. Adi Rahman was shaky and fell to the left during a ground run-up. That was a routine inspection to check all the equipment without the need diterbangkan. "I spelled out, when the engine on, the helicopter lost control and rolled. Many theories that can be a cause of the accident," he said.

Some estimate approach might be the causes of the accident. Of them, according to Bambang, lap RPM (rotation per minute) that is not the same between the main rotor and propeller behind. Or, screw off the back so that there is no wind storm encouragement from the main rotor. "In addition, the type of heli Puma is the main rotor can sloping to the left or right. Bolco Unlike the fixed (permanent). Kemiringannya perhaps too sharply. Can the operator or the propeller-balingnya not correct," he added.

After the incident, the Super Puma heli-colored base with a white strip with red Pelita Air was immediately covered with blue tarpaulin. Heli nahas that dikabarkan severe damage. Four segment rotor broken main, while the body penyok. Glass front of the left and also destroyed. That can dimaklumi, as heli pancake is hard to land. Evacuation is done at around 12:30. Heli drawn into Hanggar.

Meanwhile, the two conditions remains quite mengenaskan. Suparja Ahmad's body cut in some parts. Meanwhile, the body of Sri Setiabudi split in the chest and left hand. Both died due to exposure rotor helicopter.

Corporate Secretary, Pelita Air Service Guntur Winarko, said PAS is ready to provide insurance to the two engineers who are killed. "This accident, including employment, insurance by Jamsostek. Count-hitungannya we still can not answer," he said.

Guntur said, heli-made Super Puma in France in 1983. Heli is currently rented, either for short or long term. Penyewanya average oil and gas company. Heli that killed two people, according to him, is still eligible to fly. Last used on 27 January. "This is natural, engineers must close heli. Procedures are like that. But, if this human error or what, we still selidiki," he said.

Super Puma used Pelita Air actual assembly IPTN (Terbang Nusantara Aircraft Industry), which changed its name to PT DI (Dirgantara Indonesia) - on the license Aerospatiale, France. Super Puma is made as a larger version of the previous model, Puma. Helicopters of this type of behavior is all over the world. More than 1,000 companies have helicopters, and 37 more countries have militernya version. Since 1990, the military version of Super Puma got a new name: Cougar. (Wir / NW)

Puzzles of the classic chicken or the egg first may be the first

Puzzles of the classic chicken or the egg first may be the first . Discovery of fossil dinosaurs nest in Canada. In a nest made 77 million years ago is still clearly visible set of five former egg.

"The characteristics are similar to the breeding bird nest," said Francois Therrein, one of the paleontolog from the Royal Tyrell Museum, Alberta, Canada. This means that the first dinosaurs to create nest eggs as a place to sit before the birds do. During this time, some experts still assume that the evolution of birds evolved from dinosaurs.

Diameter nest about the size of half a meter and seberat estimated 50 kilograms. In the former there are at least 12 body shell eggs that each measuring 12 centimeters long and neatly structured and lead to one point.

"Based on the form of a nest egg and, we believe these artificial nest caenagnathid or a small raptor, both equally meat eater and has a close relationship with the birds," said Darla Zelenetsky, other researchers from the University of Calgary, Canada.

Zelenetsky learn stored in Canada since Fossil Limited Calgary 1990. Previous fossil nest think he was made a beaked dinosaurs herbivora duck. However, after studying more carefully, it is known that the nest is most likely from the group theropoda which is the ancestor of birds.

Source: LIVESCIENCE

Will the U.S. are friends with the Islamic World

Washington: United States President Barack Obama reaffirms sikapnya that will more closely with the Islamic world and offering friendship to the Muslim countries. "To the world of Islam is that we [the U.S.] will offer is persabahatan," Obama said in Washiongton DC, on Tuesday (27 / 1).

"I have family members and Muslims have lived in Muslim countries. Largest Muslim country, Indonesia," said the U.S. president to-44 this. Obama stressed that the duty to the Muslim world that the U.S. is not the enemy.

Obama also instruct the George Mitchel, the U.S. envoy to the Middle East in order to begin to listen. "It is too often dictate American interests in the Middle East in the past," said Obama. For the importance ago hear learn and find out how to avert the Middle East countries to the United States. (FRI)

Geography Indonesia

Geography Indonesia is an archipelago in Southeast Asia consisting of 17,000 islands (6,000 inhabited) and straddling the equator. The largest islands are Sumatra, Java (the most populous), Bali, Kalimantan (Indonesia's part of Borneo), Sulawesi (Celebes), the Nusa Tenggara islands, the Moluccas Islands, and Irian Jaya (also called West Papua), the western part of New Guinea. Its neighbor to the north is Malaysia and to the east is Papua New Guinea.

Indonesia, part of the “ring of fire,” has the largest number of active volcanoes in the world. Earthquakes are frequent. Wallace's line, a zoological demarcation between Asian and Australian flora and fauna, divides Indonesia.

Government
Republic.

History
The 17,000 islands that make up Indonesia were home to a diversity of cultures and indigenous beliefs when the islands came under the influence of Hindu priests and traders in the first and second centuries A.D. Muslim invasions began in the 13th century, and most of the archipelago had converted to Islam by the 15th century. Portuguese traders arrived early in the next century but were ousted by the Dutch around 1595. The Dutch United East India Company established posts on the island of Java, in an effort to control the spice trade.

After Napoléon subjugated the Netherlands in 1811, the British seized the islands but returned them to the Dutch in 1816. In 1922, Indonesia was made an integral part of the Dutch kingdom. During World War II, Japan seized the islands. Tokyo was primarily interested in Indonesia's oil, which was vital to the war effort, and tolerated fledgling nationalists such as Sukarno and Mohammed Hatta. After Japan's surrender, Sukarno and Hatta proclaimed Indonesian independence on Aug. 17, 1945. Allied troops, mostly British Indian forces, fought nationalist militias to reassert the prewar status quo until the arrival of Dutch troops.

In Nov. 1946, a draft agreement on forming a Netherlands-Indonesian Union was reached, but differences in interpretation resulted in more fighting between Dutch and nationalist forces. Following a bitter war for independence, leaders on both sides agreed to terms of a union on Nov. 2, 1949. The transfer of sovereignty took place in Amsterdam on Dec. 27, 1949. In Feb. 1956, Indonesia abrogated the union and began seizing Dutch property in the islands.

In 1963, Netherlands New Guinea (the Dutch portion of the island of New Guinea) was transferred to Indonesia and renamed West Irian, which became Irian Jaya in 1973 and West Papua in 2000. Hatta and Sukarno, the cofathers of Indonesian independence, split over Sukarno's concept of “guided democracy,” and under Sukarno's rule the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) steadily increased its influence.

Sukarno was named president for life in 1966. He enjoyed mass support for his policies, but a growing power struggle between the military and the PKI loomed over his government. After an attempted military coup was put down by army chief of staff, General Suharto, and officers loyal to him, Suharto's forces killed hundreds of thousands of suspected Communists in a massive purge aimed at undermining Sukarno's rule.

Suharto took over the reins of government and gradually eased Sukarno out of office, completing his consolidation of power in 1967. Under Suharto the military assumed an overarching role in national affairs, and relations with the West were enhanced. Indonesia's economy improved dramatically and national elections were permitted, although the opposition was so tightly controlled as to virtually choke off dissent.

In 1975, Indonesia invaded the former Portuguese half of the island of Timor; it seized the territory in 1976. A separatist movement developed at once. Unlike the rest of Indonesia, which had been a Dutch colony, East Timor was governed by the Portuguese for 400 years, and while 90% of Indonesians are Muslim, the East Timorese are primarily Catholic. More than 200,000 Timorese are reported to have died from famine, disease, and fighting since the annexation. In 1996, two East Timorese resistance activists, Bishop Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo and José Ramos-Horta, received the Nobel Peace Prize.

In the summer of 1997, Indonesia suffered a major economic setback, along with most other Asian economies. Banks failed and the value of Indonesia's currency, the rupiah, plummeted. Antigovernment demonstrations and riots broke out, directed mainly at the country's prosperous ethnic Chinese. As the economic crisis deepened, student demonstrators occupied the national parliament, demanding Suharto's ouster. On May 21, 1998, Suharto stepped down, ending 32 years of rule, and handed over power to Vice President B. J. Habibie.

June 7, 1999, marked Indonesia's first free parliamentary election since 1955. The ruling Golkar Party took a backseat to the Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P), led by Megawati Sukarnoputri, the daughter of Sukarno, Indonesia's first president.

The ethnic, religious, and political tensions kept in check during Suharto's 32 years of authoritarian rule erupted in the months following his downfall. Rioting and violence shook the provinces of Aceh, Ambon (in the Moluccas), Borneo, and Irian Jaya. But nowhere was the violence more brutal and unjust than in East Timor. Habibie unexpectedly ended 25 years of Indonesian intransigence by announcing in Feb. 1999 that he was willing to hold a referendum on East Timorese independence. Twice rescheduled because of violence, a UN-organized referendum took place on Aug. 30, 1999, with 78.5% of the population voting to secede from Indonesia. In the days following the election, pro-Indonesian militias and Indonesian soldiers massacred civilians and forced a third of the population out of the region. After enormous international pressure, the government, which was either unwilling or unable to stop the violent rampage, finally agreed to allow UN forces into East Timor on Sept. 12, 1999. East Timor achieved independence on May 20, 2002.

On Oct. 20, 1999, in a surprising upset, the Indonesian parliament elected Abdurrahman Wahid as the new president of Indonesia, defeating Megawati Sukarnoputri, the popular leader of the Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle. Wahid was a Sufi cleric as well as an adept politician with a reputation for honesty and moderation.

Rioting, bombing, and growing unrest continued to plague Indonesia in 2000. On June 4, 2000, separatists declared Irian Jaya (also called West Papua) an independent state. Wahid flatly opposed independence for the province, which contains sizable copper and gold mines. Unlike East Timor, there is little international support for an independent Irian Jaya.

In fall 2000, Suharto failed twice to show up in court to face corruption charges of embezzling $570 million in state funds, but his lawyers insisted he was too ill to stand trial. In July 2007, prosecutors filed a civil suit against Suharto, seeking $440 million that he had embezzled and $1.1 billion in damages.

In Sept. 2000, Suharto's playboy son, Hutomo “Tommy” Mandala Putra, was arrested for his role in a fraudulent multimillion-dollar land deal. He fled and was finally arrested and jailed in November 2001 after a manhunt. In July 2002, he was sentenced to 15 years in prison after being convicted of coordinating the murder of the judge who had sentenced him in the corruption trial.

In the fall of 2000 and winter of 2001, President Wahid came under increasing criticism for corruption and incompetence. He was blamed for not stopping ethnic clashes and killings in Aceh, Irian Jaya, the Moluccas Islands, and especially in Borneo, where the Dayak people turned against Madurese immigrants, slaughtering hundreds. Wahid was forced from power in July 2001, and Vice President Megawati Sukarnoputri assumed the helm.

A terrorist bombing on Oct. 12, 2002, at a nightclub in Bali killed more than 200 people, mostly tourists. In 2003, Amrozi bin Nurhasyim and Imam Samudra, members of Jemaah Islamiyah, an Islamic terrorist group linked to al-Qaeda, were sentenced to death for their roles in the bombing. But the radical Muslim cleric Abu Bakar Bashir, believed to be the head of Jemaah Islamiyah, was only given a light three-year sentence on lesser charges, causing some in the international community to question Indonesia's commitment to fighting terrorism. Authorities arrested Bashir in April 2004—on the same day he was set to be released from prison—claiming they had new evidence that proved he is in fact the leader of Jemaah Islamiyah and that he approved the Bali bombing. In March 2005, he was found not guilty of terrorism charges in the bombings of Jakarta's Marriott Hotel in 2003 and the Bali nightclub. He was, however, convicted of a lesser charge—criminal conspiracy. That charge was overturned in Dec. 2006.

In May 2003, President Megawati declared military rule in Aceh and launched an offensive intended to destroy the Free Aceh Movement. The invasion marked the end of a cease-fire that was signed in Dec. 2002 between the Indonesian government and Aceh separatists. The government and the separatists signed a peace treaty in Aug. 2005, ending the 30-year war that had claimed the lives of 15,000 people. As part of the accord, the rebels will surrender their arms and the government will gradually withdraw its troops. In addition, the Acehnese agreed to give up their demand for independence in exchange for the right to establish political parties. The separatists disbanded their army in December, finalizing the end to their insurgency.

Violence erupted again in the Moluccas Islands in April 2004, when more than 40 people died in fighting between Christians and Muslims. The two groups signed a cease-fire in 2002.

Megawati's PDI-P Party fared poorly in April 2004 elections, placing second behind the Golkar Party of former president Suharto. In July, retired general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono placed first in the country's inaugural direct presidential elections, but he did not garner enough votes to win outright. However, he soundly defeated Megawati in the September runoff.

On Dec. 26, 2004, a magnitude 9.0 earthquake, whose epicenter was off the west coast of the Indonesian island of Sumatra, caused a tremendously powerful tsunami in the Indian Ocean that devastated 12 Asian countries. At least 225,000 people died in the disaster, and millions were left homeless. Indonesia was the heaviest hit, with more than 150,000 casualties. Many of the deaths occurred in the war-torn province of Aceh.

About two dozen people died in Sept. 2005 when suicide bombers attacked tourist sites in Bali. The attack was eerily similar to the one that took place two years earlier.

On May 26, 2006, more than 6,200 people were killed in a 6.3 magnitude earthquake on Java. About 130,000 were left homeless. Just two months later, on July 17, an earthquake and tsunami struck Java, killing more than 500 people. It was the fourth major earthquake to strike the country in 19 months.

Floods ravaged Jakarta in Feb. 2007, killing about 30 people and leaving approximately 340,000 homeless.

In June 2007, police arrested Abu Dujana, a senior military leader of the militant group Jemaah Islamiah who police suspect was involved in the 2003 bombing of the Marriott Hotel. Authorities hoped that his arrest would strike a blow to the group's operations.

Suharto died on January 27, 2008, after spending most of the month in the hospital for heart, lung, and kidney ailments. At his death, a civil suit, which was filed in 2007 and sought $440 million that he had embezzled and $1.1 billion in damages, was still pending. He was never criminally charged for embezzlement or for the deaths of approximately 500,000 people who died in the purge of suspected Communists in the late 1960s. The United Nations has called Suharto the most corrupt contemporary leader.

Amrozi bin Nurhasyim, Imam Samudra, and Mukhlas, also known as Ali Ghufron, were executed by firing squad in November 2008 for their role in the 2002 bombing at a nightclub in Bali that killed 202 people, mostly tourists.

See also Encyclopedia: Indonesia
U.S. State Dept. Country Notes: Indonesia
Central Bureau of Statistics http://www.bps.go.id .

Biography President 6 of the Republic of Indonesia General TNI (Ret) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono

General TNI (Ret) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, popularly known as SBY, was born in Pacitan, East Java, on 9 September 1949. He graduated from the Military Academy in 1973-top in his class. He received his fourth star in 2000. In the first-ever direct presidential election in Indonesia in 2004, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, running on a platform for "more just, more peaceful, more prosperous, and more democratic Indonesia", was elected as the 6th President of the Republic of Indonesia, gaining a landslide 60% of the popular vote over the incumbent President Megawati Soekarnoputri.

President Yudhoyono is also an accomplished scholar. He was educated in the United States, where he received his Masters degree in Management from Webster University in 1991. He continued his study and earned a Doctorate Degree in Agricultural Economics from Bogor Institute of Agriculture, West Java, Indonesia, in 2004. President Yudhoyono was awarded with two honorary doctorates in 2005, respectively in the field of law from his alma mater, Webster University, and in political science from Thammasat University in Thailand.

During his 27-year distinguished military service, President Yudhoyono took an extensive range of training, education and courses, both in Indonesia and overseas. President Yudhoyono also held numerous important posts and positions as troop and territorial commander, staff officer, trainer and lecturer. He served both in the field and at headquarters, as well as missions overseas. He was the Commander of the United Nations Military Observers and Commander of the Indonesian Military Contingent in Bosnia-Herzegovina from 1995-1996.

For his outstanding service, President Yudhoyono was decorated with 24 medals and awards, including the UNPKF Medal, the Bintang Dharma, the Bintang Mahaputera Adipurna and the Bintang Republik Indonesia Adipurna, the highest national medal for excellent service beyond the calls of duty.

Prior to being elected, President Yudhoyono held various important government positions, including Minister of Mining and Energy and Co-ordinating Minister for Political, Social, and Security Affairs in the National Unity Cabinet under President Abdurrahman Wahid. He again served as Co-ordinating Minister for Political, Social, and Security Affairs in the Gotong Royong Cabinet under President Megawati Soekarnoputri. It was in his capacity as Coordinating Minister that he became internationally recognized for leading Indonesia's counter-terrorism efforts.

President Yudhoyono is also known for his activities in various civil society organizations. He served as Co-Chairman of the Governing Board of the Partnership for the Governance Reform, a joint Indonesian-international organization focused on the improvement of governance in Indonesia. He also served as Chairman of the Advisory Board of the Brighten Institute, an institution devoted to studying the theory and practice of national development policy.

President Yudhoyono is a keen reader and has authored a number of books and articles including: Transforming Indonesia: Selected International Speeches (2005), Peace deal with Aceh is just a beginning (2005), The Making of a Hero (2005), Revitalization of the Indonesian Economy: Business, Politics and Good Governance (2002), and Coping with the Crisis - Securing the Reform (1999). Taman Kehidupan (Garden of Life) is his anthology published in 2004. President Yudhoyono speaks English fluently.

President Yudhoyono is a devoted Moslem. He is married to Madam Ani Herrawati. The first couple is blessed with two sons. The oldest is First Lieutenant Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono, who graduated top in his class from the Military Academy in 2000 and is now serving at the elite 305th Airborne Battalion of the Army Strategic Reserves Command (KOSTRAD). The youngest, Edhie Baskoro Yudhoyono, earned his degree in Economics from Curtin University, Australia.

Biography President 5 of the Republic of Indonesia Megawati Sukarnoputri

(b. 1947), President of the Republic of Indonesia. Megawati Sukarnoputri is the daughter of Indonesia's founderand first president, Sukarno (1901–1970), who ruled in Indonesia from 1949 to 1965. She attended two universities but never earned a degree. Though born in Java and raised as a Muslim, Megawati lived in Bali where she built up a large base of political support amongst the Hindu and Christian communities of the outer islands. Megawati became a prominent figure in Indonesia, when in 1995 she won control of the Christian-nationalist Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI), one of three legal parties under the regime of Suharto (b. 1921), 1965–1998. For many years Megawati accepted the status quo imposed by Suharto's New Order regime. She started to become critical of the Suharto regime in 1994–1995, accusing it of rampant nepotism and corruption. Angered at her outspokenness, in June 1996 a government-backed faction of the PDI ousted her from the party's leadership in an extraordinary party congress. The regime's heavy-handed tactics backfired and triggered mass demonstrations in Jakarta that ultimately led to Suharto's resignation in May 1998.

Megawati Sukarnoputri at a rally in February 2000 at which party members endorsed her for president. (AFP/CORBIS)

Owing to her political pedigree, Megawati became a symbol of opposition to the regime. Megawati established a new party, the Indonesia Struggle for Democracy Party (PDI-P) in 1998. The party won the most seats in the June 1999 election, but did not achieve an outright majority. Megawati was outmaneuvered, and a coalition of Islamic parties instead elected Abdurrahman Wahid (b. 1940), a moderate Islamic cleric and the head of Indonesia's largest Muslim organization, the Nahdlatul Ulama. In a power-sharing agreement, Megawati became vice president. Following Wahid's impeachment for incompetence and economic mismanagement in August 2001, Megawati became Indonesia's fifth president. Megawati has been under attack from the Muslim-oriented parties and publicly criticized for her lack of decisive leadership in the midst of an ongoing economic crisis.

Megawati was the first Muslim leader to visit the United States following the 11 September 2001 attacks, and while she condemned all terrorist acts, she was also very critical of the U.S. military campaign in Afghanistan.


Further Reading

Schwartz, Adam. (1999) A Nation in Waiting: Indonesia's Search for Stability. 2d ed. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Biography President 4 of the Republic of Indonesia Abdurrahman Wahid

Abdurrahman Wahid was born on the fourth day of the eight month of the Islamic calendar in 1940 in Jombang, East Java to Wahid Hasyim and Solichah. This led to a belief that he was born on August 4, instead the calendar used to mark his birth date was the Islamic calendar meaning that he was actually born on 4 Sya'ban, equivalent to September 7, 1940.

He was the firstborn out of his five siblings, and Wahid was born into a very prestigious family in the East Java Muslim community. His paternal Grandfather, Hasyim Asyari was the founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) while his maternal Grandfather, Bisri Syansuri was the first Muslim educator to introduce classes for women.[1] Wahid's father, Wahid Hasyim, was involved in the Nationalist Movement and would go on to be Indonesia's first Minister of Religious Affairs.

In 1944, Wahid moved from Jombang to Jakarta where his father was involved with the Consultative Council of Indonesian Muslims (Masyumi), an organization established by the Japanese Imperial Army which occupied Indonesia at the time. After the Indonesian Declaration of Independence on 17 August 1945, Wahid moved back to Jombang and remained there during the fight for independence from the Netherlands during the Indonesian National Revolution. At the end of the war in 1949, Wahid moved to Jakarta as his father had received appointment as Minister of Religious Affairs. Wahid went about his education in Jakarta, going to KRIS Primary School before moving to Matraman Perwari Primary School. In addition to education provided at school, Wahid was also encouraged to read non-Muslim books, magazines, and newspapers by his father to further broaden his horizons.[2] Wahid continued to stay in Jakarta with his family even after his father's removal as Minister of Religious Affairs in 1952. In April 1953, Wahid's father died after being involved in a car crash.

Wahid's education continued and in 1954, he began Junior High School. That year, he failed to graduate to the next year and was forced to repeat. His mother then made the decision to send Wahid to Yogyakarta to continue his education. In 1957, after graduating from Junior High School, Wahid moved to Magelang to begin Muslim Education at Pesantren (Muslim School) Tegalrejo. He developed a reputation as a gifted student, completing the pesantren's course in two years instead of four. In 1959, Wahid moved back to Jombang to Pesantren Tambakberas. There, while continuing his own education, Wahid also received his first job as a teacher and later on as headmaster of a madrasah affiliated with the Pesantren. Wahid also found employment as a journalist for magazines such as Horizon and Majalah Budaya Jaya.

Overseas education
In 1963, Wahid received a scholarship from the Ministry of Religious Affairs to study at Al Azhar University in Cairo, Egypt. He left for Egypt in November 1963.Despite his proficiency in speaking Arabic, Wahid was told by University officials when he arrived that he was to take a remedial class before taking on the University's Higher Institute for Islamic and Arabic studies. Unable to provide evidence which certified that he had the skill to speak Arabic, Wahid was forced to take the remedial class.

Instead of attending classes, Wahid spent 1964 enjoying life in Egypt; watching European and American movies as well indulging in his hobby of watching football. Wahid was also involved with the Association of Indonesian Students and became a journalist for the association's magazine. At the end of the year, he successfully passed exams for his remedial Arabic classes. When he finally began studies at the Higher Institute for Islamic and Arabic Studies in 1965, Wahid was disappointed. He had already studied many of the texts offered at the Institute while he was in Java and disapproved of the rote learning method used by the University.[3]

In Egypt, Wahid found employment with the Indonesian Embassy. It was during his stint with the Embassy that G30S PKI happened. With Kostrad Commander, Major General Suharto taking control of the situation in Jakarta, a Communist crackdown was initiated. For its part, the Indonesian Embassy in Egypt was ordered to conduct an investigation on university students and give a report on their political stance. This order was then passed on to Wahid, who was charged with writing the reports.[4]

Wahid's time in Egypt was a failure. His displeasure at the method of education and his work post-G30S distracted him. By 1966, he was told that he had to repeat. Wahid's tertiary education was saved through another scholarship at the University of Baghdad. Wahid moved to Iraq and enjoyed his new environment. Although he was lax in attending classes at first, Wahid quickly took to his studies. Wahid also continued his involvement with the Association of Indonesian Students as well as writing journalistic pieces to be read in Indonesia.

After completing his education at the University of Baghdad in 1970, Wahid went to the Netherlands in the hopes of continuing his education. Wahid wanted to attend Leiden University but was disappointed as there was little recognition for the studies that he had done at the University of Baghdad. From Netherlands, Wahid went to Germany and France before going back to Indonesia in 1971.


Early career
Wahid returned to Jakarta expecting that in a year's time, he would be abroad again to study at McGill University in Canada. He kept himself busy by joining the Institute for Economic and Social Research, Education and Information (LP3ES),[5] an organization which consisted of intellectuals with progressive Muslims and social-democratic views. LP3ES established a magazine called Prisma and Wahid became one of the main contributors to the magazine. Whilst working as a contributor for LP3ES, Wahid also conducted tours to pesantrens and madrasahs all around Java. It was a time when pesantren were desperate to gain state funding by adopting state-endorsed curricula and Wahid was concerned that the traditional values of the pesantren were being damaged because of this change. Wahid was also concerned with the poverty of the pesantren which he saw during his tours. At the same time as they were encouraging pesantren to adopt state-endorsed curricula, the Government was also encouraging pesantren as agents for change and to help assist the Government in its economic development of Indonesia. It was at this time that Wahid finally decided to drop plans for overseas studies in favor of developing the pesantren.

Wahid continued his career as a journalist, writing for magazine Tempo and Kompas newspaper. His articles were well-received and he began to develop a reputation as a social commentator. Wahid's popularity was such that at this time, he was invited along to give lectures and seminars, forcing him to travel back and forth between Jakarta and Jombang, where he now lived with his family.

Despite having a successful career up to that point, Wahid still found it hard to make ends meet and he worked to earn extra income by selling peanuts and delivering ice to be used for his wife's Es Lilin business.[6] In 1974, Wahid found extra employment in Jombang as a Muslim Legal Studies teacher at Pesantren Tambakberas and soon developed a good reputation. A year later, Wahid added to his workload as a Teacher of Kitab Al Hikam, a classical text of sufism.

In 1977, Wahid joined the Hasyim Asyari University as Dean of the Faculty of Islamic Beliefs and Practices. Once again, Wahid excelled in his job and the University wanted to Wahid to teach extra subjects such as pedagogy, sharia, and missiology. However, his excellence caused some resentment from within the ranks of university and Wahid was blocked from teaching the subjects. Whilst undertaking all these ventures Wahid also regularly delivered speeches during ramadan to the Muslim community in Jombang.


[edit] Nahdlatul Ulama

Early involvement with NU
Wahid's family background meant that sooner or later, he would be asked to play an active role in the running of NU. This ran contrary to Wahid's aspirations of becoming a public intellectual and he had twice rejected offers to join the NU Religious Advisory Council. Nevertheless, Wahid finally chose to join the Council when his own grandfather, Bisri Syansuri gave him the third offer.[7] In taking this job, Wahid also made the decision to move from Jombang to Jakarta and to permanently reside there. As a member of the Religious Advisory Council, Wahid envisioned himself as a reformer of NU.

At this time, Wahid also had his first political experience. In the lead-up to the 1982 Legislative Elections, Wahid campaigned for the United Development Party (PPP), an Islamist Party which was formed as a result of a merger of 4 Islamist parties including NU. Wahid recalled that the Government actively disrupted PPP's campaigns by arresting people like himself.[8] However, Wahid was always able to secure his release, having developed connections in high places with the likes of General Benny Moerdani.


Reforming NU
By this time, many viewed NU as an organization in stagnation. After careful discussion, the Religious Advisory Council finally formed a Team of Seven (which included Wahid) to tackle the issues of reform and to help revitalize NU. For some members of NU, reform in the organization involved a change of leadership. On 2 May 1982, a group of high-ranking NU officials met with NU Chairman Idham Chalid and asked for his resignation. Idham, who had guided NU in the transition from Sukarno to Suharto resisted at first but bowed down to pressure. On 6 May 1982, Wahid heard of Idham's decision to resign and approached him saying that the demands to resign were unconstitutional. With urging from Wahid, Idham withdrew his resignation and Wahid, together with the Team of Seven was able to negotiate a compromise between Idham and those who had asked for his resignation.[9]

In 1983, Suharto was re-elected to a fourth term as President by the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) and began taking steps to establish Pancasila as the State Ideology. From June 1983 to October 1983, Wahid became part of a team which was commissioned to prepare NU's response to this issue. Wahid consulted texts such as the Quran and Sunnah for justification and finally, in October 1983, concluded that NU should accept Pancasila as the State Ideology.[10] To further revitalize NU, Wahid was also successful in securing its withdrawal from PPP and Party politics. This was done so that, NU can focus on social matters instead of hampering itself by being involved in politics.


Election to Chairmanship and first term as Chairman
Wahid's reforms had made him extremely popular within the ranks of NU. By the time of the 1984 National Congress, many began to state their intentions to nominate Wahid as the new Chairman of NU. Wahid accepted the nomination, provided that he had the power to choose who would be on his leadership team. Wahid was elected as the new Chairman of NU during the National Congress. However, his stipulation of choosing his own team was not honored. The last day of the Congress had begun with Wahid's list of team members being approved by high-ranking NU officials including outgoing Chairman Idham. Wahid had gone to the Committee in charge of running the Congress and handed in his list which was to be announced later. However, the Committee in question was against Idham and announced a totally different list of people. Wahid was outraged but was pressured to accept the changes made.[11]

Wahid's ascendancy to the NU Chairmanship was seen positively by Suharto and his New Order regime. Wahid's acceptance of Pancasila along with his moderate image won him favor among Government ranks. In 1985, Suharto made Wahid a Pancasila indoctrinator.[12] In 1987, Wahid showed further support for the regime by criticizing PPP in the lead-up to the 1987 Legislative Elections and further strengthening Suharto's Golkar Party. His reward came in the form of a membership of the MPR. Although he was viewed with favor by the regime, Wahid criticised the Government over the Kedung Ombo Dam project that was funded by the World Bank. Although this somewhat soured the cordial relationships that Wahid had with the Government, Suharto was still keen on getting political support from NU.

During his 1st term as Chairman of NU, Wahid focused on reform of the pesantren education system and was successful in increasing the quality of pesantren education system so that it can match up with secular schools.[13] In 1987, Wahid also set up study groups in Probolinggo, East Java to provide a forum for like-minded individuals within NU to discuss and provide interpretations to Muslim texts.[14] Critics accused Wahid of wishing to replace the Arabic Muslim greeting of "assalamualaikum" with the secular greeting of "selamat pagi", which means good morning in Indonesian.


Second Term as Chairman and opposing the New Order
Wahid was re-elected to a 2nd term as Chairman of NU at the 1989 National Congress. By this time, Suharto, embroiled in a political battle with ABRI began to ingratiate himself with the Muslim constituency so as to win their support. This venture reached a turning point in December 1990 with the formation of the Union of Indonesian Intellectual Muslims (ICMI). This organization was backed by Suharto, Chaired by BJ Habibie and included Muslim intellectuals such as Amien Rais and Nurcholish Madjid as its members. In 1991, various members of ICMI asked Wahid to join. Wahid declined because he thought that ICMI encouraged sectarianism and that it was just a means by Suharto to remain powerful.[15] In 1991, Wahid countered ICMI by forming the Democracy Forum, an organization which contained of 45 intellectuals from various religious and social communities. The organization was treated with credibility by the Government and broke up meetings held by the Democracy Forum as the 1992 Legislative Elections approached.

In March 1992, Wahid planned to have a Great Assembly to celebrate the 66th anniversary of the founding of NU and to reiterate the organization's support for Pancasila. Wahid had planned for the event to be attended by at least one million NU members. However, Suharto moved to block the event, ordering policemen to turn back busloads of NU members as they arrived in Jakarta. Nevertheless, the event managed to attract 200,000 attendants. After the event, Wahid wrote a letter of protest to Suharto saying that NU had not been given a chance to display a brand of Islam that is open, fair, and tolerant.[16] During his second term as Chairman of NU, Wahid's liberal ideas had began to turn many supporters sour. As Chairman, Wahid continued to push for inter-faith dialogue and even accepted an invitation to visit Israel in October 1994.[17]


Third term as Chairman and the lead-up to Reformasi
As the 1994 National Congress approached, Wahid nominated himself for a 3rd term as Chairman. Hearing this, Suharto wanted to make sure that Wahid was not elected. In the weeks leading up to the Congress, Suharto's supporters, such as Habibie and Harmoko campaigned against Wahid's re-election. When it came time for the National Congress, the site for the Congress was tightly guarded by ABRI in act of intimidation.[18] Despite this, and attempts to bribe NU members to vote against him, Wahid came through and was re-elected as NU Chairman for a 3rd term. During this term, Wahid began to move closer towards a political alliance with Megawati Sukarnoputri from the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI). Megawati, using her father's name had a lot of popularity and planned to keep the pressure up on Suharto's regime. Wahid advised Megawati to be cautious and to reject being nominated as President for the 1998 MPR General Session. Megawati ignored this and paid the price in July 1996 when her PDI headquarters were taken over by supporters of Government-backed PDI Chairman, Suryadi.

Seeing what happened to Megawati, Wahid thought that his best option now was to retreat politically by getting himself back in favor with the Government. In November 1996, Wahid and Suharto met for the first time since Wahid's re-election to the NU Chairmanship and this was followed over the next few months by meetings with various Government people who in 1994 had attempted to block Wahid's re-election.[19] At the same time however, Wahid kept his options for reform open and in December 1996, had a meeting with Amien Rais, an ICMI member who had grown critical of the Regime.

July 1997 saw the beginning of the Asian Financial Crisis. Suharto began to lose control of the situation and just as he was being pushed to step up the reform movement with Megawati and Amien, Wahid came down with a stroke in January 1998. From his bed in the hospital, Wahid continued to see the situation worsen with Suharto's re-election to a 7th term as President and the student protests which would turn into riots in May 1998 after the shooting of six students at Trisakti University. On 19 May 1998, Wahid, together with eight prominent leaders from the Muslim community were summoned to Suharto's residence. Suharto presented the concept of a Reform Committee which he had begun to propose at the time. All nine rejected Suharto's offer to join the Reform Committee. Wahid maintained a more moderate stance with Suharto and called on the protesting to stop to see if Suharto was going to implement his promise.[20] This displeased Amien who was the most vocal out of Suharto's opposition at this time. Nevertheless, there was no stopping Suharto's fall and on 21 May 1998, he announced his resignation. Vice President Habibie now ascended to the Presidency.


Reformation

Formation of PKB and the Ciganjur statement
One of the immediate effects of Suharto's fall was the formation of new political parties. Under Suharto's regime, political parties had been limited to just three; Golkar, PPP, and PDI. Now with his fall, new political parties were formed, the most prominent of which was Amien's National Mandate Party (PAN) and Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P). In June 1998, many from within the NU community began pressuring Wahid to form a new political party. Wahid did not warm up to the idea immediately, thinking that this will result in a political party which only catered to one religion and not willing to overrule his own decision to take NU out of politics. By July 1998 however, he began to warm up to the idea, thinking that establishing a political party was the only way to challenge the organizationally strong Golkar in an election. With that in mind, Wahid approved of the formation of PKB and became the Chairman of its Advisory Council with Matori Abdul Djalil as Party Chairman. Although it was clearly dominated by NU members, Wahid promoted PKB as a party that is non-sectarian and open to all members of society.

As opposition to the Government, Wahid, together with Megawati and Amien were willing to adopt a moderate stance towards Habibie's Government; preferring instead to wait for the 1999 Legislative Elections.[21] Nevertheless, in November 1998, in a meeting at his residence in the Jakarta suburb of Ciganjur, Wahid, together with Megawati, Amien, and Sultan Hamengkubuwono X reiterated their commitment to Reform. On 7 February 1999, PKB officially declared Wahid as their Presidential candidate.


1999 elections and MPR General Session
In June 1999, Wahid's PKB entered the Legislative Elections. PKB won 12% of the votes with Megawati's PDI-P winning the Legislative Elections with 33% of the votes. With her party decisively winning the Legislative Elections, Megawati expected to win the Presidency against Habibie at the MPR General Session. However, PDI-P did not have complete majority and formed a loose alliance with PKB. In July however, Amien Rais would form the Central Axis, a coalition of Muslim parties.[22] The Central Axis then began to consider nominating Wahid as a third candidate in the Presidential race and PKB's commitment towards PDI-P began to waver.

In October 1999, the MPR convened and Wahid threw his support behind Amien who was elected as the Chairman of MPR. On 7 October 1999, Amien and the Central Axis, who now had PKB on their side, officially nominated Wahid as a Presidential Candidate.[23] On 19 October 1999, the MPR rejected Habibie's accountability speech and Habibie withdrew himself from the Presidential race. In the hours that followed, Akbar Tanjung, Chairman of Golkar and Head of the People's Representative Council (DPR) made it clear that Golkar would support Wahid in his bid for the Presidency. On 20 October 1999, the MPR convened and began electing for a new President. Wahid was then elected as Indonesia's 4th President with 373 votes to Megawati's 313 votes.[24]

Displeased that their candidate had not won the Presidency, Megawati's supporters began to riot and Wahid realized that for this to stop, Megawati had to be elected as Vice President. After convincing General Wiranto not to compete in the Vice Presidential elections and getting the PKB to support Megawati for this election, Wahid was successful in convincing the demoralized Megawati to compete. On the 21 October 1999, Megawati competed in the Vice Presidential election and defeated PPP's Hamzah Haz to become the next Vice President.


Presidency
Main article: Post-Suharto Era
Travels
Wahid's Presidency was noted for his wide ranging travels, including to controversial places. In November 1999, Wahid made his first overseas trip, visiting ASEAN member countries, Japan, United States of America, Qatar, Kuwait, and Jordan. He followed this up in December by a visit to the People's Republic of China.[25]

In January 2000, Wahid made another overseas trip to Switzerland to attend the World Economic Forum and visited Saudi Arabia on the way back to Indonesia. In February, Wahid made another trip to Europe visiting the United Kingdom, France, Netherlands, Germany, and Italy. On the way back to Europe, Wahid also visited India, South Korea, Thailand, and Brunei. March saw Wahid visit East Timor. In April, Wahid visited South Africa en route to the G7 summit in Cuba before returning via Mexico City and Hong Kong. In June, Wahid once again visited America, Japan, and France with Iran, Pakistan, and Egypt as the new additions to the list of countries which he had visited.[26]

Controversially, Wahid also visited Irian Jaya and Aceh, Indonesian provinces with much separatist sentiment. Wahid also aroused controversy by visiting Israel, a state unpopular with many Indonesians.


Cabinets
After only a month in the National Unity Cabinet, Coordinating Minister of People's Welfare Hamzah Haz announced his resignation in November. There was suspicion that the resignation was brought about by Wahid's allegation that certain members of his Cabinet were involved in corruption while he was still in America.[27] Others suggested that Hamzah's resignation was because of displeasure towards Wahid's concilliatory stance towards Israel.[28]

While he was travelling to Europe in February, Wahid began asking for the resignation of General Wiranto, who held the position of Coordinating Minister of Politics and Security. Wahid saw Wiranto both as an obstacle to his planned reform of the Military as well as being a liability to his Government with his alleged human rights abuses in East Timor.[29] When Wahid arrived back in Jakarta, Wiranto talked to him and seemed successful in convincing Wahid not to replace him. However, Wahid would change his mind and ask for his resignation. In April 2000, Wahid dismissed Minister of Industry and Trade Jusuf Kalla and Minister of State Owned Enterprises Laksamana Sukardi. The explanation that he gave was that the two were involved in corruption, although he never gave evidence to back it up.[30] This move soured Wahid's relations with Golkar and PDI-P.

As the 2000 MPR Annual Session approached, Wahid's popularity with the people were still at a high and politically, allies such as Megawati, Akbar, and Amien were still willing to support Wahid despite the sacking of the ministers and the scandals which he had been involved in. At the same time however, they were asking questions of Wahid. At the 2000 MPR Annual Session, Wahid delivered a speech which was well received by a majority of the MPR members. During the speech, Wahid recognized his weakness as an administrator and said that he was going to delegate the day-to-day running of the Government to a Senior Minister.[31] The MPR members agreed but proposed that Megawati should be the one to receive the task from the President. At first the MPR planned to have this proposal adopted as a resolution but a Presidential Decision was seen as enough. On the 23 August, Wahid announced a new Cabinet despite Megawati's insistence that the announcement was delayed. Megawati showed her displeasure by not showing up for the Cabinet announcement. The new Cabinet was smaller and consisted of more non-partisans. There were no Golkar members in this Cabinet.


Impeachment

Post Presidency activities
Schism within the PKB
After his impeachment, Wahid turned his eyes to Matori Abdul Djalil, who was the Chairman of PKB. Before the MPR Special Session, it was agreed upon that no PKB members would attend as a sign of solidarity. However, Matori insisted on attending because he was a Vice-Chairman of the MPR and participated in the impeachment process. Using his position as Chairman of the Advisory Council, Wahid sacked Matori as Chairman of PKB on 15 August 2001 and suspended him from Party activities before stripping Matori of Party membership in November [32]. On 14 January 2002, Matori held a Special National Congress attended by his supporters in PKB. The Special National Congress re-elected him to the position of PKB Chairman. Wahid countered this by holding his own PKB National Congress on 17 January, a day after Matori's Congress ended [33] The National Congress re-elected Wahid to the position of Chairman of the Advisory Council and elected Alwi Shihab as its Chairman. Wahid's PKB would be known as PKB Kuningan whilst Matori's PKB would be known as PKB Batutulis.


2004 Legislative and Presidential elections
In April 2004, PKB participated in the 2004 Legislative Elections, winning 10.6% of the votes. For the 2004 Presidential Elections, in which the people will directly elect the President, PKB nominated Wahid as a Presidential Candidate. As a Presidential Candidate was required Wahid to go on a medical check-up before he is officially enlisted by the General Elections Commission (KPU) as a Presidential candidate. While other candidates such as Yudhoyono and Wiranto passed their respective tests, Wahid failed to do so and KPU refused to enlist him as a Presidential Candidate. Wahid then threw his support behind his brother, Solahuddin, who was the running mate of Wiranto. On 5 July 2004, Wiranto and Solahuddin were knocked out of the race after coming third to the pairs of Yudhoyono-Kalla and Megawati-Muzadi. For the run-off elections, held on 20 September 2004, Wahid declared himself as part of White Group (Golput) which meant that he will not be using his right to vote.


Opposition to Yudhoyono Government
In August 2005, Wahid became one of the leaders of a political coalition called the United Awakened Archipelago (Koalisi Nusantara Bangkit Bersatu). Along with Try Sutrisno, Wiranto, Akbar Tanjung, and Megawati, this coalition criticized the policies of the Yudhoyono Government, specifically about the withdrawal of fuel subsidies which will bring the prices of fuel up.


Other activities
Gus Dur is the inspiration behind the Wahid Institute, a Jakarta-based nonprofit organization led by his daughter Yenni Wahid. He also serves as patron, member of the board of directors and senior advisor to LibForAll ("Liberty for All") Foundation, whose mission is to reduce religious extremism and discredit terrorism worldwide. Among numerous other writings, he is the author of a seminal article published in the Wall Street Journal on December 30th, 2005 ("Right Islam vs. Wrong Islam") [34] in which he called on "people of good will of every faith and nation" to unite to defeat the ideology of religious hatred that underlies and animates terrorism. Wahid discussed his suspicions regarding the involvement of the Indonesian government and the TNI (Indonesia's armed forces) in the terrorist bombings on Bali, in an interview in the documentary Inside Indonesia's War on Terrorism which as aired by SBS Dateline on October 12, 2005.

In September 2006, Wahid said that he was ready to contest the 2009 Presidential Election [35] He confirmed this in March 2008, at a rally of his National Awakening Party (PKB) in Banjarmasin, South Kalimantan.[36] Gus Dur and Justice Sandra Day O’Connor, former Justice of the US Supreme Court stated their concerns about recent developments in Malaysia that seem aimed at defaming opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim and threatening him with imprisonment in a manner which is reminiscent of the campaign to defame him in 1998. They stated there are plausible motives for some to manufacture a false case against him. They also mentioned that Anwar last year brought evidence to a royal commission that enabled it to conclude that there had been improper influence exerted on judicial appointments and more recently he brought forward evidence against the current attorney-general and the current inspector-general of police for the perversion of justice in his own prosecution in 1998-99.[37]


Religious views
Wahid said:

All religions insist on peace. From this we might think that the religious struggle for peace is simple ... but it is not. The deep problem is that people use religion wrongly in pursuit of victory and triumph. This sad fact then leads to conflict with people who have different beliefs.[38]

Personal life
Wahid is married to Sinta Nuriyah and has four daughters: Alissa Qotrunnada, Zannuba Ariffah Chafsoh (Yenny), Anita Hayatunnufus, and Inayah Wulandari.

Biography President 3 of the Republic of Indonesia Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie

Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie was born on June 25, 1936 in the sleepy seaside town of Pare Pare in the Indonesian state of South Sulawesi. The fourth of eight children, he was nicknamed "Rudy" at an early age. His father, Alwi Abdul Jalil Habibie, was a government agricultural official who promoted the cultivation of cloves and peanuts. His grandfather was a Muslim leader and an affluent landowner.

As a child Habibie liked swimming, reading, singing, riding his father's racehorses, and building model airplanes. In 1950, when Rudy was 13, his father suffered a heart attack and died. Suharto, then a young military officer billeted across the street, was present at his father's deathbed and became Habibie's protector and substitute father. Habibie later wrote of Suharto: "I regarded him as an idol, who could serve as an example for all people ... a young, taciturn brigade commander, with great humane feelings, and a fierce fighting spirit." Suharto's autobiography said Habibie "regards me as his own parent. He always asks for my guidance and takes down notes on philosophy."

Habibie's interest in building model planes continued while he excelled in science and mathematics at the Bandung Institute of Technology. His mother, R.A. Tuti Marini Habibie, arranged for him to continue his studies in Germany. At the Technische Hochschule of Aachen, Habibie studied aircraft construction engineering.

In 1962, on a visit home to Indonesia, he married H. Hasri Ainun Besari, a doctor. They had two children, Ilham Akbar and Thareq Kemal, both born in Germany. While Habibie was abroad, Suharto, who had become a general, succeeded General Sukarno as Indonesia's ruler in 1966.

After graduating with a doctoral degree from the Aachen Institute in 1965, Habibie joined the aircraft manufacturing firm Messerschmitt-Boelkow-Bluhm, rising to the rank of vice-president. As a research scientist and aeronautical engineer, he helped design several planes, including the DO-31, an innovative vertical takeoff and landing craft. He specialized in solutions for aircraft cracking, gaining the nickname "Mr. Crack" as one of the first scientists to calculate the dynamics of random crack propagation. He also became involved in international aircraft marketing activities and NATO's defense and economic development.

Indonesia's Technology Czar.


An aeronautical engineer who became Indonesia's minister of technical development and eventually its president, B.J. Habibie (born 1936) was a lifelong devotee of Indonesian dictator Suharto. When student riots and economic turmoil forced Suharto from office, he named Habibie as his successor.

Known as a big-government free-spender and a proponent of bizarre economic theories, Habibie seemed an unlikely candidate to bail out Indonesia from its severe economic crisis of the late 1990s. He was closely identified with Suharto's corrupt policies and distrusted by students, the military, and foreign investors. Yet he instituted reforms and steered the country toward free elections, remaining in power longer than most observers expected.



In 1974, Suharto asked Habibie to return to Indonesia to help establish an industrial base. Habibie jump-started an aircraft construction industry and a state airline company. Soon he became Suharto's chief advisor for high-technology development. Habibie exploited the relationships he had developed in Germany and NATO to engineer a myriad of controversial deals involving aircraft, ships, heavy industry, and economic development.

As minister of research and technology, Habibie promoted the importation of high-tech goods and services. He liked to "leapfrog" over low-skill industries and move straight into high-tech ventures, spurning the basic development which might have brought needed employment to Indonesia's low-skilled masses. Habibie spent billions in public money on his strategic companies. His pet project was a national airplane, the propeller-driven N-250. Its producer was IPTN, a state company whose vice-president was Habibie's son. The national airplane venture consumed $2 billion in public funds, diverted from a project to save Indonesian forests.

Habibie often used his influence with Suharto to broker favorable deals for his family companies. For example, he pressured Merpati Airlines to buy 16 of IPTN's CN-235 airplanes, which were so poorly built they could fly for only an hour with a full load. Never popular with the military, Habibie angered officials by buying 100 German naval vessels without consulting top brass; the ships needed $1 billion in repairs.

For two decades, Habibie was a top insider in Suharto's corrupt, nepotistic regime. Like Suharto, whose family controlled much of Indonesia's economy, Habibie's relatives had their own business monopolies, often in partnership with Suharto's children. According toPhiladelphia Inquirer reporter Trudy Rubin, "The state set up Habibie's 'strategic industries' in fields such as steel, shipbuilding and, especially, aircraft manufacture. His relatives were all involved as middlemen, agents, and suppliers." Habibie's family came to control two conglomerates - the Timsco Group, named after his brother Timmy, and the Repindo Panca Group, headed by his second son, Tareq Kamal Habibie. The conglomerate's 66 companies benefited from lucrative government contracts awarded by minister Habibie.

Habibie was widely known as a free-spending eccentric and an advocate of expensive government programs. His high-tech ventures failed to strengthen Indonesia's economy. Many of his projects lost millions of dollars. A relentless self-promoter, Habibie was known for talking endlessly in shrill tones while gesturing wildly. When he visited Tokyo to talk to Japanese bankers about refinancing Indonesia's $80 billion debt, he lectured them for two hours about what was wrong with the Japanese economy and came home empty-handed.

A small, wiry man, Habibie enjoyed classical music, motorcycle riding and swimming in his pool at his home on Jalan Cibubur. A devout Muslim, he founded the Indonesian Association of Muslim Intellectuals in 1990.

Suharto's Man

Throughout his long tenure as technology minister, Habibie remained slavishly loyal to Suharto, and Suharto considered him his most reliable supporter. Habibie told Newsweek that Suharto was his "close friend" who "treated me like his own brother." Habibie often called the dictator "SGS," for "Super-Genius Suharto."

Eventually, Suharto's policies brought Indonesia's economy to the brink of disaster. In March 1998, as student demonstrations and civil unrest increased in intensity, Suharto installed Habibie as vice-president. As the economy collapsed, bloody student riots led to increasing calls from international allies for Suharto's resignation. Hundreds died in the civil unrest that finally forced Suharto from office in May 1998. Before he left the presidential palace, Suharto installed Habibie as his hand-picked successor.

The appointment of Habibie to head the troubled country seemed to appease no one. Protesters saw him as firmly tied to Suharto's system. Even after Suharto stepped down, the general's family members still controlled commerce and industry in the country. Foreign investors worried that Habibie's free-spending policies would exacerbate Indonesia's problems. The military distrusted him because, unlike previous Indonesian presidents, Habibie did not rise through their ranks.

On taking power, Habibie tried to distance himself somewhat from his lifelong idol. He pledged to build "a clean government, free from inefficiency, corruption, collusion, and nepotism." Soon after, Habibie's brother resigned from his leadership of an industrial development authority. He also freed high-profile political prisoners; lifted controls on the press, political parties and labor unions, and pledged negotiations to end the long conflict in the Indonesian state of East Timor.

Most observers doubted he could retain his power for several reasons. His reputation for wild spending came at a time when the failing Indonesian economy needed a bailout. The bankrupt Indonesian currency, the rupiah, fell in value by 36 percent when Habibie took office. Most of the country identified him closely with Suharto's regime and its policies, which had brought unbearable hyper-inflation and food lines.

"Indonesia's problems are so difficult to solve that not even an extraordinarily clever politician bolstered by overwhelming public support would find it easy to take over," observed Time magazine. "And Habibie ... seems the least likely candidate. He has no political base, nor can he necessarily count on the long-term backing of the powerful military. Economists and stock analysts around Asia question Habibie's ability to bring sensible change to Indonesia's choking economy..."

Many foreign investors found a Habibie presidency frightening. One reason was Habibie's advocacy of a strange "zig-zag theory" of economics. He believed that cutting interest rates, then doubling them, then slashing them again, would reduce inflation. Critics scoffed at his abilities. "He is a clown, a joker, an entertainer," said Jusuf Wanandi, director of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies in Jakarta. Yet Habibie managed to consolidate his control over the country, primarily because the opposition was fragmented and frequently squabbling. The military, involved in government at every level, was deeply divided. Never modest, Habibie told Time: "There are two ways of making history: from within the elite - or from the outside. Being inside doesn't mean you're a puppet."

As Habibie maintained a grip on power, the economic decline of his country worsened, with one-fifth of the work force unemployed by the end of 1998. Unrest continued, and there were reports of the torture of dissidents by the military and new assaults on rebel sympathizers in East Timor. During renewed demonstrations by student protesters against the government in November 1998, 16 people died. Habibie enraged students by arresting a small group of dissidents and blaming them for provoking soldiers. Protesters demanded that Habibie step down. The armed forces insisted only rubber bullets and blanks had been used against protesters, but it was discovered that at least one student had been killed by live ammunition, a "dum-dum" bullet outlawed under the Geneva Convention's international rules of warfare. The military then tried to appease the protesters by announcing prosecutions of 163 soldiers and police. Habibie tried to downplay the conflict. "Our society still has not had the chance to live under the rule of law," Habibie told Newsweek. "The police do not understand the limits, though they are learning."

Renewed hostilities by Islamic militants against Indonesia's ethnic Chinese Christian minority raised questions about Habibie's goals. His religious supporters dreamed of him instituting a fundamentalist Muslim state. But Habibie told Newsweek: "The burning of churches and mosques is a criminal act we all condemn. ... As a religious and intellectual man, I will be among the first who will fight against any attempt to make this country a religious state." Asked about Chinese Indonesians who feared an Islamic wave of repression, Habibie replied: "I wish we could change that like turning off the light. But it's not that easy. ... The Chinese, I love them as I love the others. I only hate criminals."

Against all odds, Habibie retained power. He vowed to continue investigating Suharto and his dealings. He also promised to hold parliamentary and presidential elections in the spring and summer of 1999. A popular Indonesian magazine, Tempo, showed only seven percent of those polled would vote for Habibie.

Displaying for the world his high self-regard, Habibie opened his own web site on the Internet, including an extensive list of awards and personal achievements. In a fawning account posted on the web site, B.J. Habibie: His Life and Career, biographer A. Makmur Makka wrote: "He is the idol and the dream of all parents, who wish their offspring to become another Habibie. ... He is an intelligent person, even a genius, and out of the 190 million inhabitants, there is only one B.J. Habibie." Makka also wrote: "B.J. Habibie seemed to possess supernatural power, which made him succeed in everything he did."

In October of 1999, after enduring months of personal attacks, corruption scandals and splits within his own party in a battle for his political future, Habibie stepped down as the Golkar (Golongan Karya, Functional Groups) presidential candidate and later overturned the Presidency to the elected candidate. In 2002, he underwent questioning for a $5.3 million graft case but maintained his innocence in the case. The accusation of corruption weakened his party.

Biography President 2 of the Republic of Indonesia Suharto

Suharto was born on Jun 8 1921. His parents were poor farmers in Kemusuk village in Central Java. In the 1940's he became the battalion commander in the Japanese "self defense corps" when Japan invaded and defeated the Dutch in World War 2. In the 1960's, he rose to power in relative obscurity as a middle ranking army officer after helping to crush an abortive but bloody leftist coup. In 1966, Suharto takes over temporary power as President of The Republic of Indonesia. Eventually, Suharto became the President of The Republic of Indonesia. In 1968, he developed a strong government party and his government, known as the New Order, restricted opposition and allied country with the West. In the 1960's, he started building the Suharto financial empire with the Salim Group and the Nusambra Group. His first big money-making venture was the Bogasari flour mills, which milled wheat imported from the United States. By the 1980's, Suharto's six children built their own empires which now included banks, automobile manufacturing and cigarettes manufacturing. For years, Suharto helped Indonesia's economic growth, as well as his own. Until, consumption and overextending the foreign debt finally caught up to Indonesia in 1997. Suharto got financial help from the IMF but most of the $43 billion went to Suharto's and his family's pockets. After riots over rising food and fuel prices, Suharto money empire was exposed and he eventually resigned May 21, 1998. Suharto's Empire lasted from 1967 to 1998. He is currently ranked as the sixth richest person in the world with an estimated personal wealth of $16 Billion US.
Do not like to talk, does not open, withdrawn, without emotion, Suharto ruled Indonesia for 32 years as a mysterious, a dictator who appears as a figure without a face, that is not prominent in a government that a-political. Speech-fulsome speech, easily forgotten, full of words that bureaucrats humdrum, cliche-cliche outdated, and advice-advice of the righteous. No one can make the statement that people be on it now. Indonesian people, if asked, will be futile because the attempt was a quote that came from him, while on the other hand, even young people can quote the words Sukarno, who digulingkannya president in 1965. Suharto to leave without a word memories.

Rarely interviewed, but often photogenic, it's a movement dikenang body: smile. That he would like to know: disuruhnya a biography of the year 1969, entitled: "General of the smile". That was a smile "Cheshire cat "(*), glued in place, hiding something, does not disclose the content of his heart, and raises questions about the sign-machinate violence and especially the disulap center in the brain that is in the baliknya.
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(*) "Cheshire cat", a cat who told the story in the famous illusion, "Alice's Adventures in Wonderland", the work of Lewis Carroll. Cats that can appear and vanish at will; berangsung finally he gradually disappeared and only a senyumnya course, so Alice said: "I often see a cat without a smile, but have never seen a cat without a smile."
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Parents Suharto is a mystery. In "otobiografi" it, which was written by people most responsible for the formation of public image, G. Dwipayana, Suharto's claim that he was born among the poor farmers in the village Kemusuk near Yogyakarta. A magazine owned by the military intelligence boss dipercayanya claim in 1974, that his father, a gentleman. In an answer that might be prepared first, Suharto has invited journalists to work in the palace rooms presidency to explain the seed and put witnesses who could corroborate that he was truly a good person, honest and trustworthy. Even though it contradict, the descendants remain clouded. Indonesia among the wide-spread the story that he was not legitimate child of a Chinese trader.

A fun career

No matter what the origin and experience first-time child-kanaknya, in the adult he is clearly a military career. He entered the military in the Netherlands in 1940, which is an event in which "otobiografi" say it as "the key that unlocks the door to a life of fun." Comfortable life that consists of rows and rows-exercise is ongoing in the Japanese occupation, when he became a member militia Map. Like other militia members, he joined the Indonesian national army formed a new military so Japan surrendered in August 1945. No longer possible to serve again in the Netherlands, because the Netherlands has been stripped of power and kekayaannya by Japan and the years of war in concentration camps are dirty and not comfortable.

Thanks to the military exercises that have been diikutinya, Suharto given high rank (lieutenant colonel) in the new Indonesian army, which was formed to conduct guerrilla war against the Dutch soldiers who come back again. In 1948 he became the commander of a brigade troops placed in and around Yogyakarta, the capital of Republic. Attacks guerrilla army is not much helpful in preventing the progress Dutch troops.

Even more dust in the pen itself, Suharto dikejutkan on 19 December 1948 when the Dutch troops in Yogyakarta and burst menguasainya on the same day without the slightest resistance. Somehow, the fourth battalion Suharto was outside the city. That is the worst setback for the Republic: the second tertingginya leaders, Sukarno and Hatta, captivity.

"Politics is located on the tip of my bayonet."

Suharto got the chance to improve when he led an attack against the city of Yogyakarta on 1 March 1949. The attack was only minor damage in the Dutch troops who occupied the city and beaten back within six hours. However, Suharto and other military commanders claim that they have control of the city for a while and the armed forces of the Republic of grandeur to the world. After Suharto's rule in 1965, events that disulap be set victory in the war of independence, and dibuatlah film about the events, "Janur Yellow" (1979), and was established in the city of Yogyakarta, a large monument to mengenangnya (1985).

For people who have worked in three different soldiers in the span of a decade, Suharto has little of the political commitment. One colleague said militernya back on a journalist, that in 1948 Suharto had said, "Politics is located on the tip of my bayonet." No wonder that Sukarno and ministers follow a course that left pertahanannya enter political commissar in the army. Like many soldiers who have been trained under the Dutch and the Japanese officer, Suharto did not have experience in the popular nationalist movement that has fought against imperialism.

Menapak levels according to

Once achieved independence in 1949, Suharto uphill pangkatnya: colonel, brigadier general, lieutenant-general. He had experienced setbacks in the year 1959, when he was dismissed as army commander in Central Java because of corruption. But the event was covered and he was quickly rehabilitated. He led the operation charged seize West Irian from the Netherlands in 1962 - the operation was suspended at the time of the last diplomatic achievement of the agreement. He then moved to Jakarta, and given the position as commander of the Army reserve, Kostrad, in 1963. With a career record that is not prominent, low education, and does not take a foreign language, in 1965 he became a candidate to occupy key positions in the army, and replace acting commander of the Army, Yani, when he went abroad.

Suharto rose to the top of the military, which then becomes a kind of state in the country, has a territorial commander, who initially designed for defense against foreign invasion, but then govern civil society.

Most of the general-general, including the most senior, AH Nasution, very anti-communist bent and hold the power of the PKI increased in the early 1960s. To rival party, they also form a union, organization of artists, and newspapers. They deal with religious organizations and political parties, and convince them that if the military will need to use violence against the PKI.

Suharto does not explicitly take sides in one of the parties. A former PKI members in the parliament said to me, that DN Aidit, the head of the PKI, in early 1965 that a senior officer of Suharto's "democratic" because he supports the closure SOB (war) in 1963. But Suharto is also associated with the anti-communist efforts in tertutupnya to brake anti-Malaysia campaign which started Sukarno in 1963.

A lucky day for him

Sit on the fringe of Suharto was brought in the peak of power. When the military officer of the pro-PKI and pro-Sukarno decided to act against the officer their rivals, they think they will support Suharto. A group of junior officer organize the abduction of seven-general of the Army on 1 October 1965. Two of the gang that is close friend of Suharto, and one of them told Suharto plot plan before going. The kidnapper, who call themselves the Movement September 30, eventually killing six general, including the commander of the Army, Yani. That was a profitable day for Suharto. With absennya Yani, he became commander of the Army. Movement 30 September diotaki not by Suharto but the events that would provide an opportunity for him to achieve the ideals-citanya.

As a military commander, Suharto's start against the commandments of the president's agenda and implement a long-owned by the courageous anti-communist, that is, reducing the influence of a president Sukarno so without power, the PKI, and establish a military dictatorship. Attitude of anti-communist Suharto's not from a deep ideological commitment.

If successful September 30 Movement and the communist achieve greater power, we can easily imagine how the Suharto always oportunistik that adapt with the new regime. He is a regular officer and is not prominent, so that on the first sunday sunday-October that many observers thought he was simply following the direction Nasution.

Coup d'etat crawl

Remove President Sukarno was not too difficult. Malay nationalism of Indonesia, "mouthpiece of the people", continue to protest, but does nothing to stop gun Suharto. He reinforce Suharto as commander of the Army, increase pangkatnya, and gave him emergency powers. The peak of the coup d'etat occurred fours in March 1966, when Suharto using the vague words about "security guarantees" from Sukarno as justification to arrest 15 cabinet ministers and dissolve Sukarno-as though the president himself ordered the overturn.

PKI-prakondisi devastation to implement a new policy of political-dominated military was also not too difficult. PKI leaders, who prop fog after 1 October, calls to its members not to fight so that President Sukarno to organize a political solution to the crisis. But the president have no power over the army Suharto. Working together with the civil militia, the army organized a shambles of the worst 20th century, capturing more than a million people, with the tacit killed many of them. Prisoners-detainees disappeared in the night. Mass graves filled bodies of countless many scattered throughout with no sign of Sumatra, Java and Bali.

There is no document which proves that Suharto ordered the killing of any one. In some of the rare opportunity, when he talked about the murder-murder was in recent years, he blame the civil riot. A thorough investigation of who, where, when and how it related to the murder-murder was revealed that militerlah the most responsible and that Suharto at least acceptance, if not he who gives the oral or written explicitly to do so.

Carrot & whip

In seize power, Suharto and the military officer-officer clicks realize that long-term stability of the power they will be dependent on their ability to improve the lives of the people. They turned on aid, investment and overseas markets to provide the main stimulus for economic growth. Capital of Western Australia boycott because political policy Sukarno first find welcome carpet welcome them unfold. Suharto's own intervention in late 1965 to stop the minister of industry to Sukarno menasionalisir oil sector. With the military campaign against terror unions in the fields of oil-fields, rubber gardens, and factories, capital Jakarta have a docile workforce.

One reason for Suharto's ability to maintain the light of power so long is a policy to expand employment opportunities in the public sector. At the end of his power, 4.6 million people get a salary from the government, three times more than in the early 1970s. Millions of people are more dependent of the employee salary to eat this. Guarantee that the monthly salary of interesting, even though incomes are low. In addition, a number of positions in the government allows people to get more money with corruption.

The civil service and its relative of his family's support base is key to this regime, with the vote and campaigning for the government party, Golkar, in each general election. They are not answerable because Golkar has a hand, giving them food, and lost the chance to move up.

Suharto's response to the protest-use-language now is the 'threat & I fear'. In Papua, he put the army treats the population as the original is lower than the men, who must be caused to bow to the violence. Over the years, the only face seen by the Indonesian people is the army of Papua. Suharto was responsible for tens of thousands of people who died in Papua war against the rebellion of the late 1960s to 1998. He was also responsible for the aggression against East Timor in 1975, and up terbunuhnya more than 100 thousand people there due to the war in the half island. He was also responsible for terbunuhnya thousands of people in Aceh, which is also a victim of war against the rebellion (1990-98), which is designed to meneror civilian population not to support the guerrilla, and not offer an alternative
a more positive to the civilians.

Suharto with intractable stand on the strategy even after the best counter-productive, when the terror been in Papua, Aceh and East Timor produce a more widespread resistance. Only after Suharto's fall, the politicians have the opportunity for Indonesia to seek a political solution & diplomatis a more humane to the war-this war: President Habibie to allow a referendum conducted by the United Nations in East Timor in 1999, and President Yudhoyono signed a peace agreement with the nationalist Aceh in 2005.

'Program Ponzi' (*) is also a giant collapse

In assessing Suharto government, what is called a "balanced" of many Western scholars scrutinize Suharto is about violations of human rights, but praised the performance ekonomisnya. They are impressed by the growth of six percent a year does not vary with the investors that are easy dikibuli in a 'Ponzi Program' (*) giant, who believe that high income is shown on the surface is irrefutable evidence of a success. Economic growth in the years of Suharto's most generated by selling the wild resources, natural resources of the land. That growth is eating itself, and that may not be sustainable.

Sector is the main oil and wood. Both have a great mismanagement because of corruption. On this day in Indonesia is a net importer of oil and forest-forest disappear quickly, be cleared by loggers or burned by the oil palm plantation. Revenue from the export of all that is not invested back into other sectors; money that disappeared from the incoming bank account & the Suharto family kroninya (such as Bob Hasan), and government officials.
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'Program Ponzi': an operation & investment false criminal, there are the early investors get the results ( "return") which is paid from a large investment by the investors who came later, and not from the results that come from net activity the correct business.
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After three decades of economic growth a la Suharto, the Indonesian government debt burdened many, and the economy does not have a basis to be funded from the industry in the country. Indeed fitting that Suharto, the sectary-memujinya followers as the "Father of Development", died in a hospital that is owned by state oil company (Pertamina), which by their families and kroninya (such as Ibnu Sutowo) diperas limitless.

Suharto's regime living off foreign capital and foreign capital due. Liberalization of the financial sector by the U.S. didesakkan to Indonesia that adopted in the early 1990an result in a greater vulnerability to sudden changes in international capital flows. Money flowed into the gang kleptokrat Suharto and bank-banknya the false, and suddenly flow out again. 'Program Ponzi' giant that is the collapse of a financial crisis in Asia in 1997. The only legitimacy that is owned by Suharto is what seems to appear is the ability to create economic growth. Once it expires, the middle class who are usually the reverse terhadapnya, would not tolerate korupsinya, children are greedy and kroni-kroninya a very immoral light kekayaannya. Movement which spontaneously form of "reform" This is their main enemy KKN: Corruption, collusion & nepotism. Suharto's family own campaign, "I Love Rupiah", which comes from the fact that they have a dollar at most, does not have any weight with the same slogan that movement.

Paranormal lot owned by the family can not save them, not general-general bootlicker them, not even Lieutenant General Prabowo, Suharto's son of the elite troops in Jakarta, and that always wander money from his brother who has the only steel mill in the country that. Suharto's prime minister on May 21, 1998, when Jakarta whiff of smoke still mysterious former riot, there are shops owned by the descendants of Chinese Indonesia burned.

Mr. Minus

Perhaps the best it can be said about the 32 years of Suharto government is that one-one situation could worsen from now. He did not choose the strategy general-general Burma and isolate the country. Depending on the foreign capital, it is vulnerable to international pressure. Release of tens of thousands of political prisoners in the late 1970s largely due to pressure from abroad. He did not choose to seek legitimacy through religion itself and apply Islamic law. Most of the country remains secular. It does not foster personal cult around himself. When the mass protests in 1998, he chose not to maintain power in any way.

Indonesia deceased great writer, Pramoedya Ananta Toer, who became political prisoners Suharto for 14 years, once wrote that he could not force herself to write about the Suharto regime. While he wrote many historical novels about Java in the era of pre-colonial India and the nationalist movement, he argues there is nothing interesting to write about people who are responsible and do memenjarakannya book-the book. For him, Suharto is a negativitas, what he named a "minus X", a setback to return to the era of the colonial aristokrat, who oppress them subordinate to the interests of European business, but inflate chest exhibit the strength of the great cosmic them, and narrow-mindedness and still does not care about the science and art of Europe that has conquered them. There is no doubt that some people will remember Suharto for some positive things, but while India struggled to a bad inheritance, we wonder whether people can assess gelarnya as the "Father of Development" is as valid as an addition to the guyonan
ferine.